Anandi Ramamurthy's history of the Bradford 12 trial, in which twelve members of the United Black Youth League were arrested on conspiracy charges for preparing to defend their community from fascists. Ramamurthy places the trial in the context of the urban riots which swept Britain in the summer of 1981 as well as detailing the solidarity campaign, their bold legal defence and eventual acquittal.
Memoirs of life in the Warsaw ghetto from Bernard Goldstein, leader of the Jewish Labour Bund, recounting his underground activities in Nazi-occupied Warsaw such as how he (and the rest of his group) smuggled food, clothing and, eventually, arms into the Jewish ghetto in preparation for one of the most significant anti-Nazi uprisings during World War Two.
First-hand account of the 1943 Warsaw ghetto uprising, and the increasingly inhumane living conditions imposed on the ghetto by the Nazis in the years leading up to it, told by Marek Edelman, member of the socialist Jewish Labour Bund and co-founder of the Polish anti-Nazi resistance group, the Jewish Combat Organization (ŻOB).
Anandi Ramamurthy analyses the emerging divisions within the Asian Youth Movements around the issue of state funding. One faction opted to accept and was slowly absorbed into the functioning of the local state apparatus as individuals made careers for themselves in the Labour Party. Meanwhile, the other faction split off to form the United Black Youth League, opting instead for a more militant path.
Anandi Ramamurthy analyses the involvement of women within the Asian Youth Movements and how the groups engaged (or didn't) with issues of gender, sexism and women's liberation both within the organisation as well as in their activism.
The life of Francesc Sabaté Llopart, aka ‘El Quico’, reads like the story of an anarchist action film: participating in the Spanish Civil War, the anti-Nazi resistance in France and armed struggle against Franco, Sabaté carried out assassinations of fascists, illegal border crossings across the Pyrenees and armed robberies to fund the resistance.We are not robbers, we are libertarian resistance fighters. ... We are people who have never and will never beg for what is ours. So long as we have the strength to do so we shall fight for the freedom of the Spanish working class. Francesc Sabaté Llopart aka 'El Quico'
Overview of the array of black liberation organisations active in Britain during the 1970s and 1980s, which included a range of workplace, community and black women's groups as well as bookshops, newspapers, advice centres, supplementary schools and hostels for black unemployed and homeless.
Our vests are no longer road safety suits; they have become a rallying sign to the movement that globally challenges the established order. The reason they twinkle is not to alert the authorities on any emergency or social distress. We didn’t put them to demand something to the Power. The yellow of our vests is not the yellow that is usually attached by the workers’ movement to treachery. The colour of this garment is that of the lava of anger that the volcano of social revolution, which has been dormant for too long, is beginning to spew out again. It is only yellow because it embraces red.
A short history on the influence of William Cuffay, a black tailor, and Irish Catholic workers in the Chartist movement and how the British ruling class used racism to divide an increasingly multi-ethnic working class.The Old Original Dodge! Divide and Govern! The English Patriot and Irish Repealer
The story of a race riot that broke out in Glasgow, during the height of Red Clydeside militancy, when around 30 black sailors were chased out of the hiring yard by a mob of white sailors. Yet, rather than a spontaneous outburst of hatred, it was actually the culmination of nationalist and anti-migrant politics promoted within working-class organisations (such as the Independent Labour Party and the British Seafarers's Union) both before and even after the events.
A short history of the unofficial strike at Courtauld's Red Scar Mill in Preston, 1965, the first of what would become a long list of significant 'migrant strikes' (such as Mansfield Hosiery in 1972, Standard Telephones and Cables in 1973, Imperial Typewriters in 1974 and, of course, Grunwick in 1976).